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Abolish Residenzpflicht! Abolish ‚Lagers‘! Stop Deportations! Right to Work and Study!
Updated: 13 min 26 sec ago

Daily Resistance #6 is out!

Tue, 11/12/2019 - 00:00

The new issue of Daily Resistance is out (#6) – coming along with articles from Women in Exile & Friends, International Women Space, The Voice Refugee Forum, City Plaza Athens and many more.

Grab your copy or a pack of newspapers to spread from your local distributor in Neukölln, Café Karanfil (Mahlower Str 7, U Boddinstr) – or write a mail to Email us, if you want to distribute Daily Resistance in your city, in your initiatives, spaces or other contexts.

The PDF version can be read and downloaded here:


You can also read several articles of the issue online (with more texts to come) on, e.g. an interview in English with Adam Bahar on the revolutionary situation in Sudan (you can find the text in Turkish in the new issue): , or the farewell statement of City Plaza in English (the Greek original has been printed in the newspaper):

Looking forward to your feedback, comments, suggestions, and articles for the next issues! Come to our regular meetings, every second Thursday, and become part of the editorial team of Daily Resistance!

Daily Resistance is a periodical newspaper on actual paper written by activists aiming to reach people in lagers. We want to inform them on the state of resistance in Germany and to empower them for their everyday resistance against the system. Together with local supporters, we look to inform and invite as many people as possible to break the isolation.

Categories: Tent Action

Let’s Mobilize to Jena: The VOICE 25th Anniversary of Refugee Struggle in Germany

Mon, 11/11/2019 - 22:47
We invite you to join us in celebrating our 25th anniversary! Call to participate in the preparation of the 25th anniversary and call for participation in the celebration on the 6th and 7th of December 2019 in Jena

You are part of this history – a quarter of a century since the break-up of isolation
25. The VOICE Refugee Forum Silver Jubilee Anniversary, 1994 – 2019
Founded in Mühlhausen and Established in Jena / Thüringen

The VOICE Refugee Forum for a quarter of a century is still at the forefront of dignity and self-determination, carrying a heavy burden of a quarter of a century – because many have been relieved of their journey – many have been able to find their place, a heavy burden must be placed on the ground so as not to lose themselves as a source for the next RefugeeBlackBox.

Breaking the Culture of Deportation – Deportation is the last ring of the slavery chain | RefugeeBlackBox – Solidarity (initiated in 2017)

You are part of this history as you are part of the future, do not forget yourself and neither the one who needs support in his struggle.

How to contribute: Contribute to the VOICE’s jubilee, choose and send a photo on The VOICE for the public exhibition, contribute to the RefugeeBlackBox. Refugee and migrants’ activists and asylum seeker activists are invited and everyone is welcome to give a few words about their experiences and their testimonies in the box. We have all it takes for peoples’ new world order of solidarity with the refugee! Every refugee is the story of RefugeeBlackBox-installation, it is also a certain power of knowledge and the wisdom to find your fight; to empower your presence and your issues in solidarity with the refugee struggles and movements.

Stop deportation! Defend the RefugeeBlackBox Solidarity, your silence is killing!
Each Deportation stop pulls down the mask, that covers the human face!
The fight against deportation and isolation has always been in the center of the VOICE‘s political activism. Fighting deportation means fighting against nationalism, white supremacy, and colonial racist injustice!

Next step: Arrival on Thursday, 5 December 2019

Starts on Friday, December 6, 2019 at 10:00 am: Video installation “RBB” on the Holzmarkt Jena:

– The VOICE Symposium on refugee grassroots community “Assembly” in Germany
– FightBack! Disrupt, disobey and organise against the regulated Dublin-deportations of refugees from Germany!

Saturday, 7 December 2019: Presentation | RefugeeBlackBox Parade | Music | Gyration and Performance

There will be a RefugeeBlackBox parade against the deportation crimes and against the colonial racism of Europe on 7th Saturday, December 2019. Calling for decentralized RefugeeBlackBox installation or info event before in the run-up of the December events.

The VOICE Refugee Forum Germany
Jena: Tel.: + 49 (0) 176 24568988 (Whatsapp), E- mail:
Berlin: Handy :+49 (0)170/8788124 (Whatsapp), E- mail:

Mobilisons-nous ensemble à Iéna – Le 25e anniversaire de la lutte des réfugiés en Allemagne ! Nous vous invitons à vous joindre à nous pour célébrer notre 25e anniversaire !

Appel à participer à la préparation du 25ème anniversaire et appel à participer à la célébration des 6 et 7 décembre 2019 à Iéna .

Vous faites partie de cette histoire – Un quart de siècle depuis la fin de l’isolement
25. VOICE Refugee Forum Jubilee Anniversary Forum, 1994 – 2019
Fondée à Mühlhausen et basée à Iéna / Thueringen

Le Forum des Réfugiés “The VOICE” est à la pointe de la dignité et de l’autodétermination depuis un quart de siècle, portant un lourd fardeau d’un quart de siècle – parce que beaucoup ont été soulagés de leur voyage – beaucoup ont pu trouver leur place, un lourd fardeau doit être placé sur le terrain afin de ne pas se perdre comme source pour la prochaine boîte noire des réfugiés.

Briser la culture de la déportation – La déportation est le dernier cercle vicieux de la chaîne des esclaves| RefugeeBlackBox – Solidarité (Initié en 2017)

Vous faites partie de cette histoire comme vous faites partie de l’avenir, ne vous oubliez pas vous-même et ceux qui ont besoin de soutien dans leur lutte.

Comment contribuer:
Contribuer au jubilé de The VOICE, choisir et envoyer une photo sur The VOICE pour l’exposition publique, contribuer à la RefugeeBlackBox. Les activistes réfugiés et migrants et les demandeurs d’asile sont invités et chacun est invité à donner quelques mots sur ses expériences et témoignages dans la boîte. Nous avons tout ce dont nous avons besoin pour le nouvel ordre mondial de solidarité des peuples avec les réfugiés !
Chaque réfugié est l’histoire de l’installation RefugeeBlackBox, c’est aussi un certain pouvoir de connaissance et de sagesse pour trouver votre combat, pour renforcer votre présence et vos enjeux en solidarité avec les luttes et les mouvements des réfugiés.

Chaque fois qu’on arrête la déportation, le masque qui recouvre le visage humain tombe!
La lutte contre la déportation et l’isolement a toujours été au cœur de l’activisme politique de The VOICE. Lutter contre la déportation, c’est lutter contre le nationalisme, la suprématie blanche et l’injustice raciste coloniale!

Etape suivante:
Start on Friday, December 6, 2019 at 10:00 am: Video installation “RBB” in the HolzMarkt Jena:

– Le Symposium VOICE sur l'”Assemblée” des communautés de réfugiés en Allemagne
– À bas les rebelles ! Désorganiser, désobéir et s’organiser contre les expulsions réglementées de Dublin – Arrêter l’expulsion des réfugiés de l’Allemagne

Samedi 7 décembre 2019 : Présentations | RefugeeBlackBox Parade | Musique | Gyration et performance

Il y aura un défilé RefugeeBlackBox contre les crimes de déportation et le racisme colonial en Europe le 7 décembre 2019.

Appel à l’installation décentralisée de RefugeeBlackBox ou à un événement d’information avant les événements de décembre.

Le Forum des réfugiés “The VOICE” Allemagne

Jena: Handy Tel : + 49 (0) 176 24568988 (Whatsapp),
Courriel :
Berlin: Handy Tel : +49 (0)170 8788124 (Whatsapp)
Courriel :

Categories: Tent Action

Sudan Revolution Interview

Sat, 10/05/2019 - 22:05

T: We already know you from the Oranienplatz resistance but can you introduce yourself a bit?

A: Adam Bahar. I am coming from Sudan. I’m born in Sudan but I’m in Germany since 2012. Politically active in Sudan since 2002. I was in university fighting for the right of the people of Sudan and against the dictatorship. Also especially because I am coming and I was born in Darfur, where there is war since 2003.

That’s why my main motivation was to start something against the government. Also when I was in this time in university and I was part of a group of Sudanese students organizing themselves. We were organizing ourselves for democracy and people of Darfur.

Result out of that is that we got in trouble with the government and I had to leave Sudan. I came to Europe in 2008 and I was in different countries of Europe. I lived in Greece, Italy, France for 2 years and in 2012 I came to Germany.

T: Our first question is what is the actual situation in Sudan? There was an agreement between Forces of Freedom and Change and the military. And some organizations like Sudan Communist Party told we are getting out from this agreement. Were there other groups inside Forces of Freedom and Change that got out from the agreement?

A: Actual situation in Sudan right now: last week (17th of July, 2019), they signed on the Sudanese constitution transition process. They signed the first letter and it will be completed on 17th of August 2019.

In the first form of the new cabinet there will be 6 people from the opposition parties and 5 people from the military. They will form the cabinet together and power will be hold first 18 months by military and other 18 months by civilian government. New government is supposed to initiate after the 3 years of transition.

But it is just the first part of the whole constitution in Sudan. Second part, there will be a president, there will be a parliament and 67 percent of the parliament will be from the opposition parties which the people are inside and leading the revolution. 33 percent of the parliament will be from the people who were not really taking participation in the revolution but they were also against government and they never worked with the old government of Omar al-Bashir. And the third part of the constitution all the people like youth and women will be the part of parliament.

Sudan in the future will have a parliamentarian government and ministries will have the real power. It will not be like before with only the president having the power. Like how we are having in Germany for example. There is president but president doesn’t have so much power. In Germany there is chancellor – in Sudan we will have prime minister. Also there will be opposition parties.

The problem between the Sudanese Communist Party and the other parties is they don’t want to be a part of the government of the transition period. 5 people from army and 6 people from civilians. Because these 5 people from the army that will take part in, are accused to committing crimes against the people who were protesting in the streets. So Communist Party will not participate in this. But the communist party will be part of the future parliament, because there won’t be any army in the parliament. At the same time they will continue to take part in local politics. They will not just participate in the first level of government where the army that are being accused.

Sudan has been all the time, since 1965, the time when it gained independence from Great Britain, governed by the army. It means army is governing Sudan more than 60 years now. And to take them out completely needs some time.

T: The revolutionaries around the world are curious about how this revolution was being organized? In the neighborhoods – what were the people talking and discussing?

A: The revolution started in December 2018 and it started not because changing of the political situation but started because of the price of bread, which increased 3 times. It started in a marginalized area of Sudan called Atbara where just students of a school went out to the street and demanded to get a bread. Somehow police and security service started reacting violently against the people and killed many students. After that, other people joined this protests of the kids. And because of that, they were really angry and burned the building of the party of Omar al-Bashir, the National Congress Party. The next day people from different cities also went into solidarity with Atbara. Thats how the revolution started.

Before that, we have to also link it to the history. This is not the first revolution in Sudan. But there were two revolutions, 1946 and 1958. And all the time who were pushing for the revolution are the worker unions. When Omar al-Bashir came to power, first thing he did is to crack down all the worker unions. The idea behind it was that the worker unions cannot take any position to fight the government. The Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA) started in 2012 to create an autonomous worker union and they first started with lawyers and doctors. Since 2012, they were just fighting for the worker rights like minimum wage etc. By this way they organized many members inside.

SPA had one demonstration register right of the workers and rise of the minimum wage. 2 days before what happened in Atbara. When they see what’s happening in Atbara they took the lead. And they changed the demand of the demonstration. Not only for the minimum wage, they called all the citizens to join them and putting down the regime of Omer al-Bashir.

This is how SPA took the lead. It was also an autonomous structure where no one knows who they are. But somehow they have been existing since 2012. They called in Facebook all citizens of Sudan to participate and organize themselves. At the same time there were local organizations working in districts called “Sudanese Resistance Committees”. It was created by people seeing themselves not a part of SPA but rather like “I need to participate in revolution”. And they made small groups consisting of 4-5 people. Those people know each other very well. By this way, 15-20 groups are created in every district. And no one knows who is inside of other groups. And they were going to demonstrations together.

At the same time, more people were joining also autonomously structured SPA and starting politically to have this demand. Then after 1 months of beginning, on 1st of January 2019, SPA made a call for a paper called Freedom and Change. In this paper there were suggestions how Sudan should be governed in the future. They said we need a democratic Sudan, this government has to go without any discussion. We don’t want Omer al-Bashir, we don’t want his government anymore. We need Sudan to be democratic country where people feel participating in politics, autonomously deciding for themselves.

They called all opposition parties if they agree on this paper to sign. For example the Sudanese Communist Party, the Sudanese Umma Party, the Sudanese Union Party signed it. And were part of the coalition. Also different political groups and civil society groups signed this paper.

There were 3 different groups who were working in revolution. One group SPA, another group local committees doing practical work mobilizing people to streets, tell them about the demonstrations. SPA was calling for the demo and organizing it.

What made this revolution successful is the local structure. You know, structure is built in this way but no one knows who is inside the structure. It was local in every place and it still exists until now. In this period of transition time of 3 years nothing will stop their mobilization and work. Every day they are doing different kinds of activism. They go to the streets, visiting the local people in the neighborhoods, visiting and supporting the people whose relatives or friends are killed. This is the structure that remained until now. This kind of structure is really helping because people will not rely on political parties still they will have their own structure in a local way. To guard the revolution and don’t let dictatorship to come again.

For example, in the last two days, one political party opened new office in Sudan and local people directly went there and asked where they took the money from to open this office. Because it was a nice place, in the middle of the country. Maybe it was funded by corruption and we don’t want corruption anymore in Sudan.

T: A woman in the revolution said: “Not the bullets but the silence is killing us.” How the people came to that point to sacrifice their life, how they came to this point? We know also that women took an important part in the revolution.

A: This has to do how much women were under repression from this regime. Because this regime of Omar al-Bashir is since 30 years like Muslim Brotherhood regime. Holding power in Sudan in the name of Islam, Sharia law. Unfortunately, when there is Sharia law, first things they do is to control woman. Women are not allowed to sit in public spaces, women are not allowed to wear trousers or other clothes, or in an area they cannot do this job because men are there. There were some universities just for women or just for men. These were happening for a long time since beginning of this government.

But in 2002 there was a law called Public Order Law with laws inside that were clearly against women. Since 2002-2003, women started to fight against this law and organized themselves. This also made women more experienced and have their autonomous structure. When this revolution started, women were already ready. That’s why when we see women on the streets it’s something normal.

Now in the new constitution paper that they signed, government has to support the rights of women. For example, in the parliament women will have a 40% quota.

We still see it’s not enough, because we need to also change the old structure of the opposition parties. Because in many parties women are not really presented. In the negotiation group there is just one or two women, the rest is men. Because of opposition parties who were not participating political work since 30 years in Sudan. They had to only work underground and that made it for women not so easy to participate. By writing this in constitution and pushing the political parties to change their structures, it will be possible for women to participate equally in Sudan.

T: People participating in the revolution didn’t really use violent methods. The reason was because they couldn’t obtain guns or was it a decision from the beginning?

A: I think you have to look to the history of Sudan. In Sudan, there has been war between North and South for 20 years. And the result of it is that South Sudan was born into new country in 2010. There is war in Darfur since 2003, there is war in Nuba Mountain and Blue Nile since 2011. And result of that more than 2 million people got killed, millions of people had to flee. Since 20 years people are getting killed and fleeing because of that reason.

People had this idea in their mind that we can not change this dictator with weapon anymore. Because also Darfur and in Nuba Mountain different groups are fighting against the government with weapons since 2003 and 2011. But they haven’t achieved anything. Because government has always more weapons. And people decided that the only method we can use is a peaceful revolution. For this, we are not going to use any violence against anyone. Because, if we use violence we are not stronger enough than the government. The government has more power to use violence and it gets supported by other countries like Saudi Arabia, Qatar, even Egypt. All these countries also don’t want Sudan to become a democracy.

Because civil disobedience has more success than using violence. That is what people learned from the history of Sudan. Also learned from the outside, for example what is happening in Syria. Using weapon against weapon collapses the country, but not bringing the people to power. That’s why we say all the time in Sudan, revolution is also about learning, about learning internationally from each other.

The same things happening in Rabaa al-Adawiya revolution in Egypt. All dictatorships learn from one book, but the interesting thing is that people doing the revolution they learn better than dictatorships. In Sudan, the army evicted them with violence and the army had the idea of people will be afraid, they won’t go to the street anymore and that we can hold the power. People saw it already in Egypt and they didn’t accept this. After the big massacre, people went to the streets more and more. The last demo was 30th of the July and in every city there were not less than 2-3 million people.

In Sudan, violence is not something new for us, we have had it since 30 years. This government is killing people since 20 years but people don’t talk about it. All other powers, especially Europe, because of controlling refugees don’t talk about it because of their own interests.

If you see how many people died in the revolution since 8 months maybe we can say 500-600 people. But now, revolution succeeded to reach something. But if people had used violence, maybe millions of people would have died and there wouldn’t have been any success.

T: If there weren’tany street actions, would the soldiers do a coup against the Omar al-Bashir regime? Is there is a big difference between today’s military and the Bashir’s regime?

A: First, if people did not go to the streets, they would not do anything. They are under pressure, because people are on the streets everyday. And that’s why people made the sit-in in front of the army building. This has to do for a long time with the history of Sudan, old revolutions have happened here before. People are going to streets and the army stayed on the side of the people and supported people and take the dictators out. This was happening two times in Sudan already.

For sure they would not do it, because for 30 years they didn’t do it. Because of the pressure by people they are doing. Now the difference is: people take their right on their hand. People are going to streets everyday, everywhere in Sudan opposition parties are making events, discussions and they don’t need to register. Even, it is better than what is going on in Europe. In Europe you have to call the police and ask for demonstration. In Sudan people are going to demo without telling to police. People took their right in their hand.

And in the constitution it will be written that people have the right to demonstrate. Police will not have the right stop people without any reason. Before, the Security service in Sudan had the right to do everything. They could arrest you, they could kill you. They were taking so much power from the president. But from now on it will be just an institution to collect information and give to police under the law.

T: With the Arab Spring there were revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt. But the revolutions were stolen by the different powers inside the states or by the international powers. Do the people who are doing the revolution in Sudan have a prevention to stop this? Or can also Sudan revolution be stolen?

A: I don’t think so. Because, if you look at the constitution now, it will be built in a way that the old regime will not exist anymore. I think the problem with the all other revolutions in different Arabic countries is that they change the president but they don’t change the constitution. That means, people who are working for dictators still have the power and can bring us new dictators. People in Sudan learned from it. They say they need to change the whole constitution. That’s why there will be a new parliament where only people who were doing the revolution will be sitting.

The only way for the army or a dictator to come back again is to make a coup again. But also people will not accept this, people will go to streets again. Structures are not in the hands of the army anymore.

When in Egypt people did the revolution they just took out the only Husnu Mubarak, but the regime stayed. Exactly this is what’s happening also now in Algeria. The President of Algeria is away, but the whole constitution is there and the whole government is there.

T: Inside Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC) there were different groups like the Sudanese Communist Party, but also there were  anti-capitalist Muslims with the tradition of Mahmoud Mohammed Taha. What kind of groups is there in FFC and what is their ratios as power?

A: There are really left, anti-capitalist groups like Communist Party or Republican Party (anti-capitalist Muslims, Mahmoud Mohammed Taha). There are also different communist groups like Movement of Right (Harakat Haqq). They are also part of this coalition. Then, the other side, you see also traditional parties like the Union Party and the Umma Party.

In the constitution any kind of discrimination like race, religion, gender won’t be accepted.

And all agree on this and reached this point. Now, in Sudan, the left ideology is more accepted in society, because Omar al-Bashir government did everything in the name of Islam and Sharia for 30 years. That’s why, in the future, when people go to the streets, the first things they will demand that religion shouldn’t be a part of politics anymore. Religion has to stay in mosques and churches. There has to be a clear division.

But we shouldn’t forget that Sudan is an African country where the structure is not really strong. There is big movements that don’t want capitalism anymore, at the same time there is a big group of people thinking we need to develop the country, we need to have nice buildings, like thinking in a capitalist way. The next step is to not allow capitalism get power in Sudan. This is our next fight.

For example, I’m part of different groups doing politics since 2002, now also in Germany since 2012. But we are kind of a capitalist group, thinking Sudan has to be like Europe, like Germany. An important part of us saying no to it. We say now, until revolution maybe we are friends, but after the revolution we will be enemies. We will fight against capitalism, because we see what capitalism have done to the people. We don’t want capitalism to be strong in Sudan.

T: People who are on the streets leading and joining the revolution, what are the people’s professions? Were they workers, villagers or unemployed? What are their ages, what are their classes?

A: In the beginning it was generally young people who were in the street. First 3-4 months so many young people were on the streets, especially students and workers. I can put inside the workers from the doctors till the unemployed. Also, unemployed people organized themselves and making their own block. Also women did their own block.

But the interesting thing is that the whole society participated in it. Who was not going to streets tried to organize safe places for the people when they got attacked by the police and army. When there was a demo going on and a attack happened by police, old people stayed in front of their doors, opened their door and hid young people.

People, who are out of Sudan, for example in Europe, were preparing themselves from the beginning, spread the information, did info events, organized money, did demonstrations, talked about the involvement of imperialist countries and how they don’t want revolution to be successful.

T: How was the interest to the Sudan revolution from the left wing or opposition movements in Europe?

A: Unfortunately, there was not such a big interest in it. For example, in Berlin, we were fighting hard to just bring the voice of revolution to different groups, even to the streets. We were not really supported by any group. After 3-4 months, when the revolution was getting violent by the army, different left parties tried to lighten the issue but it was not really what were hoping for.

We shouldn’t also forget that Europe has a big interest in not changing Sudan, because the Bashir regime was working for Europe since 2014, for example in Khartum Process, a deal between Europe and African countries to stop African refugees to come to Europe. For that deal, the Sudanese old government got so much money, got training from European countries to control the borders.

I was writing everyday press releases about the situation in Sudan and was sending them to all parties from SPD to the Left Party (Die Linke) and I didn’t get any answer from them. After 2 months we could get an answer from Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung to make an info event about Sudan.

2 months before, when revolution was almost successful, we had a talk with one Left Party member from Germany Bundestag. We worked together and she held a Bundestag sitting where she asked about Sudan revolution and the money Germany gave to the Sudanese old government. But not more.

We made a sit-in in front of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Germany and we went inside the ministry and handed over our demands. We had also a demo in front of EU and we made a call of Sudanese people living in Europe. There, we also gave our demands to stop this deal with Sudan. Our work succeeded to put pressure in government of EU. EU stopped to give money for training the police of Sudan.

The new government will come and they will try to talk again about the deal. This is also our next step to work in Germany as Sudanese community here. Because we are sure to face deportations in Germany or in Europe. Because they will say now, Sudan is democracy then you have to go. They will try to activate the Khartum process.

Unfortunately, there is no international solidarity from left groups or even from left parties. From my side, I wouldn’t focus on leftist parties – I would focus on leftist groups. But leftist groups, they are not interested. Maybe it has to do with the fact that Sudan is far away. They never called for demo revolution in Sudan until now. And I was really thinking like: Is this about racism? This has because African people are not worth it? Are they not equal in the mind of leftists? They are really far away and cannot have any contact with African revolution?

For me, what’s happening in Sudan now, is really politically close to the leftist scene. A revolution hold by people, starting with autonomous structure, where people succeeded to kick out the dictator, where women take the lead. There was not really an interest in these issues. I’m questioning myself from time to time to understand the reason. And I couldn’t see a reason until now. But maybe we have to wait for the activists of the leftist scene to tell us why they don’t have any interest in the revolution of Sudan.

Categories: Tent Action

Einheit ist eine Waffe

Fri, 10/04/2019 - 22:57

Ali Ahmed lebt seit 2013 in Hamburg und ist Aktivist der Gruppe „Lampedusa in Hamburg“. Aktuell ist er einer von fünf Sprecher*innen, die die Interessen der sudanesischen Aufstandsbewegung im Ausland vertreten.

Am 30. Juni 1989 riss Omar al-Bashir die Macht im Sudan durch einen Militärputsch gegen eine zivile Regierung an sich. Dabei wurde er von der Islamischen Partei ideologisch massiv unterstützt. Schon zu Beginn seiner diktatorischen Herrschaft wurden Tausende entlassen und verhaftet. Nach der Ermordung von 28 Generälen, die sein Regime kritisiert hatten, im Ramadan 1993 begann eine massive Auswanderung aus politischen und ökonomischen Gründen, die die Wirtschaft des Landes erheblich beeinträchtigte.

Gleichzeitig begann im Süd-Sudan der Widerstand gegen die neuen Regeln für das öffentliche Leben, die die Islamische Partei durchgesetzt hatte, und führte bald zur Forderung nach Unabhängigkeit und eigener Verfügung über das Öl. Da das sudanesische Öl vor allem aus dem Süden stammt, bedeutete das ökonomische Probleme für das Land. Auch in anderen Teilen des Landes kam es zu kriegerischen Auseinandersetzungen, die mit der Bildung einer großen Zahl von schwer bewaffneten Stammes-Milizen einherging. Die Wirtschaft litt unter den verschwenderischen Militärausgaben und wachsender Korruption, die Unterstützung von weltweit operierenden Terrorgruppen durch al-Bashir und seine Verstrickung in Anschläge führten zu Sanktionen, die die ökonomische und soziale Situation weiter verschlechterten.

Linke und andere sozialen Kräfte begannen sich zu organisieren und entwickelten politische Kampagnen mit Forderungen, die alle Menschen im Land vor Hunger und Armut bewahren würden. Diese haben in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten die Grundlage für die Revolution gelegt, die wir heute im Sudan bildeten erleben.

Die Bürger*innenproteste gegen die Regierung begannen im Dezember 2018 zunächst wegen der stark gestiegenen Brot-Preise, der allgemeinen Verschlechterung der Lebensbedingungen und des zunehmenden Zerfalsl staatlicher Infrastruktur. Schnell entwickelte sich daraus die Forderung nach dem Rücktritt al- Bashirs. Es begann in Städten mit starker Arbeiterschaft wie al Damazin, Port Sudan, Qadrif und Atbara vor allem in Norden und Osten des Landes ebenso wie in der Hauptstadt bis alle gemeinsam nach Khartum zogen, um einen zivilen Staat und das Ende der Militärdiktatur zu fordern. Beim Rücktritt von al-Bashir und wenig später, als der General und Übergangspräsident ibn Ouf zurücktrat, waren 4 Millionen Menschen mit der Forderung nach einer zivilen Regierung auf den Straßen.

Die Sudanese Professionals Alliance (SPA), eine Allianz aus 17 Branchengewerkschaften, übernahm in diesen Auseinandersetzungen die Führungsrolle, forderte die Demonstranten auf, keine Waffen auf das Militär zu richten und verlangte von der Regierung den friedlichen Protest zu respektieren. Am 1. Januar veröffentlichte sie gemeinsam mit 21 weiteren fortschrittlichen Organisationen die „Erklärung für Freiheit und Wandel“, die Grundlage eines breiteren Bündnisses ist. Unsere Stärke liegt in unserer Einheit und der Orientierung auf den Frieden. Das führte dazu, dass sich auch Teile des Militärs mit den demonstrierenden Massen solidarisierten und sich weigerten, auf sie zu schießen. Dennoch wurden die friedlichen Demonstrationen immer wieder angegriffen um sie aufzulösen. Tränengas, Gummigeschosse, aber auch immer wieder Schusswaffen wurden eingesetzt. Die Toten und Verwundeten trugen zur Empörung der Bevölkerung bei und ließen die Proteste nicht abreißen: im Mai erreichte die Beteiligung mit 6 Millionen – das bedeutet jede*r sechste Einwohner*in – ihren Höhepunkt. Bemerkenswert ist, dass eine deutliche Mehrheit dieser Menschen Frauen sind, ebenso wie die Sprecher_innen des Bündnisses für Freiheit und Wandel.

Am 11. April verkündeten die Militärs die Absetzung von Omar al-Bashir und den Beginn einer zweijährigen Übergangsperiode, die mit Wahlen enden soll, nach denen die Macht von der Militärjunta übergeben werden soll. Diese Ankündigung wurde von der sudanesischen Bevölkerung mit Empörung aufgenommen, weil sie einen zivilen Staat fordert. Schon seit dem 6. April hatten Millionen von Demonstrant_innen aus der gesamten Region um Khartum begonnen, den Platz vor dem Hauptquartier zu besetzten und dieses sit-in wurde bis zu seiner gewaltsamen Auflösung am Ende des Ramadan am 3. Juni aufrechterhalten. Hunderte wurden getötet; weil viele Leichen in den Nil geworfen wurden, ist es schwer, eine exakte Zahl zu nennen. Mehr als 500 Menschen wurden schwer verletzt. Die Abschaltung des Internet hat die Kommunikation zwischen den Sudanesen in- und außerhalb des Landes extrem erschwert, so dass es schwierig ist, an zuverlässige Informationen zu kommen.

Nach dem Massaker hat die Afrikanische Union die Mitgliedschaft des Sudan ausgesetzt. Saudi-Arabien, die Emirate und Ägypten unterstützen weiter den Militärrat und die westlichen Länder hüllen sich ebenso wie die meisten Medien in Schweigen.

Am 30. Juni werden Sudanesen überall im Land und weltweit auf die Straßen gehen, um deutlich zu machen, dass sie ihren Traum von einem zivilen Staat, gesellschaftlichem Frieden, sozialer Gerechtigkeit und Gleichheit für alle nicht aufgeben, sondern weiter dafür kämpfen, dass er Wirklichkeit wird.

Die “Erklärung für Freiheit und Wandel” ist auf der Seite der SPA dokumentiert:

Declaration of Freedom and Change
Categories: Tent Action

39 months City Plaza: the end of an era, the beginning of a new one

Fri, 10/04/2019 - 22:00

On 10th July 2019 the keys of squatted City Plaza were handed back to the former employees of the hotel, to whom the mobile equipment in the building belongs. All refugees living at City Plaza have been moved to safe housing within the city.

On 22 April 2016, the Economic and Political Refugee Solidarity Initiative squatted the empty City Plaza building with a two-fold goal: to create, on the one hand, a space of safety and dignity in which to house refugees in the centre of the city and, on the other, to create a centre of struggle against racism, borders, and social exclusion. For the freedom of movement and for the right to stay.

The decision to squat was taken at a critical political juncture. On 18th March 2016, one month before the squat opened, the EU-Turkey deal to restrict the movement of refugees to Europe was signed. It was the deal that marked the end of the “summer of migration” – the period which began in July 2015 when, under pressure from approximately one million people, the European borders “opened”. This was the deal that turned the islands of the Aegean into a sort of prison for migrants, and which turned mainland Greece into a trap for over 60,000 people. The SYRIZA-ANEL government, following its capitulation to the neoliberal management of the economic crisis, took on the the implementation of a policy of control, deterrence and discouragement of migration. With Frontex and NATO patrolling the Aegean, with detention centres such as Moria on the islands, with awful camps as the only policy for housing refugees on the mainland, by punishing solidarity and the struggle of refugees. During that time, the housing issue was very pressing. The refugees who had arrived in Athens were either homeless or were being housed in the awful camps of Elliniko, Malakasa, or the port of Piraeus, while hundreds of people slept in tents or cardboard boxes in city streets and squares.

It was while these were happening that a discussion began within the Economic and Political Refugee Solidarity Initiative, which led to the decision to squat City Plaza, a hotel on Acharnon street which remained shut for seven years. The decision had certain features of voluntarism, and was not justified by the forces in our disposal, nor by the state of the anti-authoritarian movement at the time. Yet it was a move which addressed the political situation and the great struggle of the refugees who had, over the previous months, opened the borders of Fortress Europe and thus won their right to freedom of movement. It also matched the massive and spontaneous social solidarity movement which developed along the length of the migration route.

City Plaza as an example of dignified housing, space for social solidarity and cooperation between locals and migrants.

From its inception, City Plaza was organized around two key goals:

  • to create a space for safe and dignified housing for migrants in the centre of the city, a space of solidarity and cooperation between locals and migrants.
  • to function as a centre of struggle in which political and social demands by migrants and locals will interweave and complement each other.

CP proved in practice that the state policy of “hospitality” towards refugees is a mixture of harshness, incompetence, and political expediency. Where the solidarity movement, without any funding from formal institutions, without any “experts” or employees, managed to create one of the best housing spaces in the centre of the city, the state continued to abide by the trapping of refugees in makeshift camps and tents in the mainland, and by imposing a regime of refuting the rights of refugees and detaining them in hot spots on the islands, at the threat of deportation.
This contrast was the key element which led to mass support for CP at the beginning of its operation, by individual activists, organizations/collectives of the left, as well as by people who joined the movement for the first time there. Of course, because of the ownership status of the hotel, there were several attacks “from the left” which, fully aligned with the narrative of the owner and the petty bourgeois rhetoric on the “supreme human right to property”, attempt to belittle the effort, by spreading conspiracy theories (ranging from claims that we’re being funded by Soros, SYRIZA, the German State, to claims that we traffic drugs, firearms, children, and sex workers), slandering the collective and the activists who are part of it.

City Plaza proved in practice that refugees and locals can live together when, instead of isolation, punishment, and hatred, there is solidarity, struggle, and community. At the opposite pole from the camps, located outside the cities and in awful conditions, CP managed, in a difficult neighbourhood, until recently patrolled by neonazis, to brighten the formerly dark corner between Acharnon and Katrivanou, by giving it the character of security truly valued by those from below: the security of dignified housing, community, solidarity, and vitality of the people selflessly fighting for better lives.

At the same time, dozens of people showed their solidarity around the world. Through their daily presence, their participation in shifts, positive attitude and a large-scale international campaign for the financial support of the project. Dozens of crates of food and other essentials were sent to Plaza, thousands of people and groups made donations to support the project, which relied solely on donations for its survival.

City Plaza also served as a centre for struggle. Aiming to internationally denounce the anti-refugee policies of the SYRIZA-ANEL government and the EU, we brought to the fore topics such as criminal responsibility for shipwrecks and loss of human life, the delay or obstruction of sea rescue, the practice of illegal pushbacks in Evros and the Aegean, the conditions of imprisonment in hotspots. City Plaza hosted dozens of open discussions on the border regime, racism, the struggle for rights, often featuring contributions by well-known intellectuals from around the world, such as Judith Butler, Angela Davis, David Harvey, Alain Badiou, Sandro Mezzandra, among others. Yet the goal was not just to highlight issues relating to migrant struggles, but also to link them to the struggles of locals. In the rallies for International Worker’s Day, the Polytechnic Uprising, antifascist and feminist protests, the City Plaza block was present throughout the three years.

The City Plaza community: Practices, Rights, Cooperation.

The answer to the question of what City Plaza is is known to the thousands of people who passed through its doors: CP is a project for the realisation of a conception of everyday life which aims to empower those “from below”, in the constitution of a space of freedom, which practically realises an aspect of the society we envision.

Its mode of operation expressed a politics of everyday life which is in opposition to the dominant model of managing migration, especially to its “NGOisation”. At the core of this voluntary contribution of time, effort, and emotion was not the “provision of services” to “the vulnerable” but the attempt to combat insecurity and fear, to empower and encourage confidence and trust in the collective. Help to refugees was re-politicised – and became solidarity and common struggle. Self-organisation, shared responsibility and decision making were central, as was a constant reflection on the inequalities permeating relations within the project: localisation, class, gender, language, education, etc.

Despite the inherent contradictions and difficulties, the collective experience of organising everyday life was the foundation for building a strong community of solidarity. At the same time, in this context, and in contrast to dominant victimising narratives, refugees and migrants became dynamic subjects with an active role on social and political life.

Daily life at CP was based on the principle of participatory organisation and collective decision making and operations, processes particularly complex in a community of 350 people speaking different languages, and with different ethnic, class, and social backgrounds, and different plans for the future. Regular coordination meetings became the space in which equal discussion took place on issues of operation and organisation, while House meetings were – especially in the beginning – a real lesson in how we can and should discuss, operate, and co-implement, as refugees and as locals. The organisation of residents and solidarians into working groups was a component of organising the project but also an essential basis for developing personal and political relationships amongst ourselves. The working groups were: Reception, Education, Children’s Activities, Health Centre, Kitchen, Security, Economics, Cleaning, Communications, as well as a self-organized Women’s Space.

In its 36 months of operation, City Plaza hosted over 2,500 refugees from 13 different countries. About 100 of the 126 rooms of the hotel hosted 350 refugees at any one time, while the remaining 26 either served as communal spaces (classrooms, women’s space, storage space) or to host solidarians from around the world. It was, after all, City Plaza’s political choice to not serve as a housing space “for” refugees but as a space of cohabitation and shared everyday life.

Yet we will not provide statistics referring to countries of origin, ages or ‘vulnerable” cases. In contrast, we will provide “statistics” on the enormous amount of resources that the movement was able to mobilise in order to keep City Plaza going:

* 812,250 hot meals were prepared by the kitchen team

* 74,500 work hours on security shifts

* 28,630 hours of shifts at reception

* 5,100 hours of language teaching and creative educational activities

* 69,050 rolls of toilet paper

However, the most important things cannot be counted. They have to do with human relationships, mutual respect and solidarity, emotions and experiences, optimism born out of common struggle.

The end of an era, the beginning of a new one

Such a project demands enormous resources. It is not a political squat which can stay closed for a couple of days in August without any problems. It is a space which demands a daily commitment, responsibility, and presence. Besides, the way we see it, self-organization is not automatic. To the contrary, it requires many hours of work, often endless processes of shared decision making, and interminable difficulties. In other words, self-organization and solidarity are not theory. They are action in the here and now. Action full of contradictions and life’s problems. In a society in which authoritarianism, war, capitalism, and competition between the subjugated is considered normal, while multiple divisions and hierarchies permeate us all, because of our origins, genders, and class backgrounds, self-organisation is not a slogan. It is a struggle.

Unfortunately, as often happens in many self-organized projects, enthusiasm, commitment, and participation dwindle over time – especially when circumstances are so demanding. The fact that the overwhelming majority of City Plaza residents are in transit made it impossible to hand the operation of the squat completely over to the refugees as most of them, sooner or later, left for Europe. At the same time, the material resources required for a project of such size – for food, hygiene products, medications, building maintenance – became harder to come by, despite the fact that comrades throughout Europe have demonstrated extraordinary commitment.

On the basis of all of the above, shortly before City Plaza celebrated its two-year anniversary, and following calls to collectives and spaces which supported the project from its inception, there opened a difficult and contradictory discussion on how long City Plaza can carry on, or whether and how it should adapt, given that we did not wish to see the project decline. There was a dilemma on whether we would move towards the direction of “normalising/ legalising” the squat or towards completing the project, while also looking for new ways to keep the community it created alive in a different context.
The first option was found to be politically undesirable, as it clashes with City Plaza’s character as a political alternative to NGOisation, and leads to a disconnect between the issues of safe housing and collective struggle and rights demands more generally.

We decided that, despite it being a difficult choice, City Plaza should rightly close the way it began and operated: as a political project, by protecting the central element which turned it into a example, that is organisation from below, safe and dignified living, community of struggle, and addressed to society as a whole.

During the House meeting of 26th May 2018, we jointly decided on this direction – not without contradictions and disagreements – and there was an extensive discussion about how to implement such a decision. Beginning in June 2018, City Plaza did not accept new residents, while there was a collective commitment that the project would not wind down until every resident had found acceptable accommodation. This commitment was not at all simple to implement. The wider circumstances of dealing with the refugee question – both from the point of view of the SYRIZA-ANEL government and from the point of view of NGOs, did not provide an opportunity to provide institutionally guaranteed housing to residents, while other spaces and squats could not house such a large number of refugees, despite positive attempts to support this.

One year on, and while the project was winding down, the expected change in the political landscape, with the imminent re-election of New Democracy, made it imperative to once more address the pace at which the project is progressing towards its close, taking into account the fact that, over the past several months, several refugees had gradually moved to safe housing. Plaza has two pending court orders for its evacuation, while high-ranking New Democracy members made daily references to the “destruction of private property” and the “lawlessness” at City Plaza. In this respect, evacuation could be used as a deterrent, while many refugees, especially those with no fixed legal status, could face disproportionate consequences (deportation, detention, etc.). Even though, for some, an evacuation by New Democracy could be seen as a “heroic exit”, for which few political explanations would need to be given, nevertheless most City Plaza residents would be put in danger, especially in view of their already vulnerable and unstable status.

This reconfirmed the decision to bring City Plaza to a close, on a collective basis and in our own terms. All refugees found safe housing. In the almost eighteen months between the decision to shut down and its implementation, most refugees moved on towards Northern Europe. Out of those who remained at City Plaza, some had the opportunity to rent their own place, as they had since found employment, while others still resorted to collective solutions. Through shared spaces and other housing projects which we have already put in place, along with the impossibly persistent network of all the people who actively participated in the project (refugees and solidarians), the community will continue to exist long after the building has been abandoned.

City Plaza’s closure is linked to the wider movement’s inability to develop effective forms of organization, mobilisation, and discourse on the refugee questions, which match the demands of the time. It is true that many parts of the wider social movement decided on different degrees of involvement, being unable to support the project and/or develop similar ones, which would galvanise our efforts through a new dynamic. This position is not apportioning blame, but highlights the project as part of a wider social and political process, reflecting the ideological-political and organisational crisis within the movement, with which we will have to deal in the next phase.

City Plaza was an invaluable political experience for all who took part, but also a political event far greater than the sum of its parts. Without exaggeration, CP was the pan-European symbol which concentrated resistance to the racist and repressive migration regime of the EU, following the closure of the borders after the EU-Turkey deal was signed. Equally, it served as a strong counter-example at a time of pessimism and demobilisation for the left, and a time of resurgence for the far right.

City Plaza was a great struggle which, like all great struggles, cannot be counted as a clear victory or a clear defeat. It is a chapter in antiracist and migration struggles and, at the same time, an experiment in social movements, an unexpected mix of different needs, sociopolitical, gendered, and class experiences. This meeting, like every mixture, needs some time for the multiple experiences to settle and leave their trace on our individual and collective consciousness.In this milieu, new forms of resistance, struggle, and relationships of cooperation and solidarity will form – in Athens as well as in the dozens of cities at which City Plaza residents will arrive, as well as in the daily struggles against the barbarism or racism and repressive policies.

The City Plaza collective was, from the beginning, aware of its contradictory makeup. The alternative it proposed could not but me incomplete, dependent on the circumstances in which it was born and the subjective capacities of the movement and its people, with their brains, hearts, and bodies. Yet it was also restricted, like every struggle for rights and equal participation, which impinges on the power of capitalist exploitation, the imposition and reproduction of nationalist, racist, and gendered hierarchies and divisions.

City Plaza is a link in a chain of struggles for social emancipation. A peculiar struggle, as it began from the small and the everyday, from how to cook the food and how to clean the building, and extended to resistance to the border regime and to multiple levels of discrimination. For those of us who took part in it, CP was an opportunity to redefine and to reflect on political thought and practice, relations of power, everyday life, cohabitation and its terms, self-organisation and its contradictions. We say goodbye to S(p)iti Plaza with one promise: to transfer this rich experience, to continue to enrich and broaden the ways and the places of common struggle.

Solidarity will win!


The Greek Version can be found in Daily Resistance #6

Categories: Tent Action


Thu, 09/26/2019 - 09:56

vom Roma Antidiskrimination Network


Mit der Verlesung der Anklage begann gestern der Prozess gegen Marias Angreiferin. Der Staatsanwalt äußerte, die Angreiferin habe mit ihrem Verhalten in Kauf genommen, dass Maria und ihre Verwandten sterben.
Die Angeklagte wollte sich nicht äußern und ihr Anwalt hat in ihrem Namen eine Erklärung vorgelesen.

In ihrer Aussage schilderte Maria die Situation in der U-Bahn, in der sie sich mit ihrem Mann und ihrem Schwager unterhielt, als sie von einer weißen deutschen Frau angegriffen wurde. Zunächst wurden die drei als „scheiß Zigeuner“ bezeichnet und dann körperlich angegriffen. Die Angreiferin zog ein Messer und fügte Maria und ihrem Schwager schwere Schnittwunden zu. Maria wehrte sich und versuchte ihren schwer kranken Mann zu schützen. Sie blutete stark und rief mehrmals: „Hilfe! Hilfe!“ Niemand bewegte sich. Erst als Maria die Frau am Arm festhielt, damit diese nicht weiter einstechen konnte, und weiter um Hilfe rief, kamen Zeugen zur Hilfe. Erst dann konnte die Frau überwältigt werden.

Als die Bahn hielt und sich das Geschehen auf den Bahnsteig verlagerte, wurden Maria und ihre Verwandten für die Angreifenden gehalten. Erst als Maria ihren blutenden Hals zeigte, entschuldigten sich die Leute.
Ein Zeuge sagte aus, die Angreiferin habe ihn mit dem Satz bedroht: „Weißt du, was mein Mann mit dir macht?!“ Nach seiner Aussage hat Maria sich bei dem Mann bedankt, dass sie noch am Leben ist.
Marias Schwager ist aus Rumänien angereist, um seine Aussage zu machen. Außerdem hat die Frau des Helfers ausgesagt. Weitere Zeugenaussagen sollen folgen. Eine Kriminalbeamtin soll aussagen, ist jedoch bis auf weiteres erkrankt.

Maria hatte nach der Tat monatelang Schmerzen und hat nach wie vor Angst. Auch ihr Mann hat Angst um seine Frau. Maria ist für ihre Familie diejenige, die sich um alle und alles kümmert. Durch die Tat ist es nun noch viel schwerer geworden, für ihren schwer kranken Mann und ihre Familie zu sorgen. Sie braucht jede Unterstützung – moralisch und finanziell.

Am 26.9. geht der Prozess weiter. Kommt um 9:30 Uhr zum Kriminalgericht Moabit, Turmstraße 91 in Berlin, um die Familie zu unterstützen!

Roma Antidiscrimination Network

Sie können Maria und ihre Familie unterstützen:
Verwendungszweck: Klage M. Berlin
Roma Center Berlin
IBAN: DE11 2605 0001 0056 0575 40

Categories: Tent Action

Testimonials from the uterus: Gesundheitsfürsorge für geflüchtete Frauen in Berlin und Brandenburg

Thu, 09/19/2019 - 22:11

released by Women in Exile

Film about refugee women’s health issues

Categories: Tent Action

28.09. 10 Jahre – Das muss gefeiert werden! // 28/09 10 ans – ça se fête! // Sept. 28th 10 years have to be celebrated!

Thu, 09/19/2019 - 21:57

– francais en bas – english below –

10 Jahre – Das muss gefeiert werden!

Im Jahr 2009 haben wir unseren unerbittlichen Kampf gegen Rassismus und andere Formen der Diskriminierung begonnen. Wir haben gegen das Gutschein-System, die neuen Asylgesetze, Abschiebungen, die Residenzpflicht, die Schikanen der Ausländerbehörde, und vieles mehr gekämpft.Wir haben auch Flüchtlinge und Aktivisten informiert, sensibilisiert, beraten und unterstützt.Wir haben viel gelacht, aber auch geweint, wir haben selten geschwiegen, wir haben immer eine Meinung geäußert, wir haben oft diskutiert und manchmal haben wir gestritten und 10 Jahre später sind wir immer noch hier, um den Kampf fortzusetzen.All dies war nur möglich dank der vielen Aktivist*innen, die ihre Kraft in die Kämpfe von Corasol einbrachten, sowie dank der Menschen, die unsere Arbeit von weit oder nah solidarisch unterstützten. Und es ist mit euch, dass wir die letzten Jahre und die vielen kommenden Jahre feiern wollen, und zwar am *Samstag, 28. September 2019*.Während sich der Tag auf den Inhalt unserer Kämpfe mit Workshops und einer Diskussion konzentriert, geht es am Abend um ein gemütliches Miteinander bei Essen, Musik und Tanz!
Tagsüber in der Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung (Franz-Mehring-Platz 1):

12:00 Empfang mit Tee und Kaffee

13:00 Einleitung und Vorstellung von Corasols Arbeit diese letzten 10 Jahre

14:00 3 Workshops, zur Auswahl:

a) Women* in Exile: Frauen* in den antirassistischen Kämpfen

b) Reach Out: Empowerment-Techniken gegen Rassismus

c) Sudan Uprising: Austausch über die Unterstützungsmöglichkeiten von progressiven Bewegungen im Herkunftsland von Deutschland aus

15:00-15:15 Pause

15:30 Zusammenfassung der Workshops

16:00 Podiumsdiskussion mit mehreren antirassistischen Gruppen über ihre Erfolge

Abends in der K19 (Kreuziger Str. 19):Die Küfa wird ab 19:00 mit den Reggae-Afroblues-Beats von DJ Kef serviert.Ab 21:00 live Musik mit:- Luk & Truk (queerfeministische Liedermacher*in mit Loop-Station und Akkordeon)- Hichem (Hip-Hop, Freestyle)- Yasmin (Rap)Und DJ*s:- Douala Mboma (Afrobeats)- und Überraschung


10 ans – ça se fête!
En 2009 nous avons commencé notre combat acharné contre le racisme et d’autres formes de discriminations. Nous avons lutté contre le systeme du Gutschein, les nouvelles lois de l´asile, les deportations, la Residenzpflicht, les tracasseries des Ausländerbehörde, etc.Nous avons aussi informé, sensibilisé, conseillé et soutenu les personnes refugiées et les activistes.Nous avons beaucoup ri mais aussi pleuré, nous avons rarement gardé le silence, toujours nous avons donné de la voix, nous avons souvent discuté et parfois nous nous sommes disputé.e.s et 10 ans après nous sommes toujours là à continuer le combat.Tout cela n´a été possible que grace aux nombreuses.eux activistes qui ont apporté leur force aux luttes de corasol ainsi qu aux personnes qui de loin ou de près ont soutenues solidairement notre travail. Et c´est avec vous que nous voulons feté les années passées ainisi que les nombreuses années à venir, *le samedi 28 septembre 2019*.Alors que la journée sera concentré sur le contenu de nos luttes avec des workshops et une discussion, la soirée sera sous le signe de la détente avec un repas et de la danse!
En journée, à la Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung (Franz-Mehring-Platz 1):

12 h accueil avec thé et café

13 h introduction et présentation de Corasol ces dix dernières années

14 h 3 ateliers au choix:

a) Women* in Exile: les femmes* dans la lutte antiraciste

b) Reach Out: techniques d’empowerment face au racisme

c) Sudan Uprising: échange sur les possibilités de soutenir les mouvements progressistes à l’étranger depuis l’Allemagne

15 h-15 h15 pause

15 h30 résumé des ateliers

16h podium de discussion sur les succès de différents groupes auto-organisés dans leur lutte antiraciste
En soirée, à K19 (Kreuziger Str. 19):Le repas sera servi à partir de 19h sur les notes reggae-afroblues de DJ Kef.A partir de 21, musique live avec:- Luk & Truk (chanson queer feministe avec accordéon et loop station)- Hichem (hip-hop, freestyle)- Yasmin (rap)


10 years have to be celebrated!
In 2009 we started our relentless fight against racism and other forms of discrimination. We have fought against the Gutschein system, the new asylum laws, deportations, the Residenzpflicht, the harassment of the Ausländerbehörde, and many more.We have also informed, sensitized, advised and supported refugees and activists.We laughed a lot but also cried, we rarely kept silent, we always raised our voices, we often talked and sometimes we argued and sometimes we fought and 10 years later we are still here to continue the fight.All this was possible only thanks to the many activists who brought their strength to the corasol struggles as well as to the people who from far or near supported our work in solidarity. And it is with you that we want to celebrate the past years and the many years to come, *on Saturday, September 28, 2019*.While the day will focus on the content of our struggles with workshops and a discussion, the evening will be about fun and entertainment with food and dancing!
Over the day at Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung (Franz-Mehring-Platz 1):

12 h coming together with tea and coffee

13h introduction and presentation of Corasol’s work over the last 10 years

14 h 3 workshops, take your choice:

a) Women* in Exile: women* in the antiracist fights

b) Reach Out: empowerment technics to face racism

c) Sudan Uprising: exchange about the possibilities to support progressist movements abroad while being in Germany

15 h-15h15 pause

15 h30 sumary of the workshops

16 h panel discussion about the succes of different groups in their antiracist fights
Over the night at K19 (Kreuziger Str. 19):Food will be served starting from 7 pm on the reggae-afroblues beats of DJ Kef.Starting from 9 pm, live music with- Luk & Truk (queer-feminist singer* and songwriter* with accordion and loop station)- Hichem (hip-hop, freestyle)- Yasmin (rap)Party with DJ*s:- Douala Mboma (afrobeats)- surprise guest

Categories: Tent Action

Repräsentant der mutigen „Ellwanger“ Flüchtlingsbewegung abgeschoben – Holt Solution sofort zurück nach Deutschland!

Thu, 09/19/2019 - 21:52

Von Freundeskreis Alassa & Friends

Samstag,  14.09.2019,  18:00 Uhr

Austine Solution Josiah ist sein vollständiger Name. Bekannt wurde er spätestens im November 2018. Damals sollte er bereits nach Italien abgeschoben werden. Nachdem der bundesweit bekannte Alassa M., Sprecher und führender Repräsentant der fortschrittlichen, demokratischen Flüchtlingsbewegung, im Juni 2018 politisch motiviert abgeschoben wurde, trat Solution in Deutschland gewissermaßen seine Nachfolge an. Solution war ebenfalls aktiv bei der selbstorganisierten Demonstration der Ellwanger Flüchtlinge am 9. Mai 2018 gegen den brutalen Polizeiüberfall am 3. Mai 2018 auf die LEA in Ellwangen. Am 18. August 2018 moderierte er die große Kundgebung auf dem Schlossplatz in Stuttgart, die der Auftakt des „Ellwangen Appell“ war, für den inzwischen über 23 000 Menschen unterschrieben haben ( In der Landeserstaufnahmestelle kümmerte er sich um den weiteren Zusammenschluss der Flüchtlinge im Kampf gegen ihre Kriminalisierung. Im November letzten Jahres sollte dann auch er abgeschoben werden. Der Freundeskreis Alassa & Friends organisierte 5 Tage lang eine nächtliche Mahnwache vor der LEA, machte eine breite Öffentlichkeitsarbeit und organisierte die Solidarität – die Abschiebung fand nicht statt. Solution wurde dann „straf verlegt“ in die LEA Sigmaringen und erhielt ein Hausverbot für die LEA Ellwangen. Angeblich würde seine Anwesenheit den „Frieden“ in der LEA Ellwangen stören! Was für ein Hohn. Beinahe jede Nacht kommt die Polizei in die Flüchtlingsunterkünfte um Abschiebungen durchzuführen. Baden-Württemberg mit seiner Landesregierung unter dem Grünen Ministerpräsidenten Kretschmann steht neben Bayern in Deutschland an der Spitze dieser unmenschlichen Abschiebepraxis und verbreitet damit permanent Angst und Schrecken unter den Flüchtlingen. Sie schlafen zum Teil kaum, in ständiger Angst vor Deportation. Wer stört also den Frieden in der LEA? Gegen dieses Hausverbot hat Solution daher Klage eingereicht.

Inzwischen hat Solution sich im Landkreis Göppingen in einer Flüchtlingsunterkunft eingelebt, lernt Deutsch, hatte ehrenamtlich an einem Radio Projekt mit gearbeitet, Freunde gefunden. Auch ihm machte das Leben in ständiger Angst vor Abschiebung zu schaffen. Trotzdem kämpfte er mit dem Freundeskreis Alassa & Friends für die Rechte der Flüchtlinge, gegen Fluchtursachen, interessierte sich immer sehr für die politische Entwicklung in Deutschland – nicht nur für die Flüchtlingsfragen.

In der Nacht vom 11.9. auf den 12.9., gegen 2.00 Uhr kam die Polizei in seine Unterkunft. Das Handy wurde ihm abgenommen – er konnte weder seinen Anwalt noch Freunde informieren. Jetzt ist er in Italien. Dort muss er auf der Straße leben – es gibt dort keine Unterstützung durch den Staat. Daran hat sich auch mit der neuen Regierung nichts geändert. Diese heuchelt Humanität, will aber ausdrücklich sämtliche von Salvini organisierte Dekrete der reaktionären Flüchtlingspolitik nicht aufheben.

Der Freundeskreis Alassa & Friends verurteilt diese reaktionäre Maßnahme durch Landes- und Bundesregierung und fordert die sofortige Rückholung von Solution nach Deutschland. Seine Anwälte haben entsprechende juristische Schritte eingeleitet. Die Verhandlung der Klage von Alassa M. gegen das Land Baden-Württemberg gegen den rechtswidrigen Polizeiüberfall am 3. Mai 2018 auf die Ellwanger LEA steht aus. Hierfür ist Solution zusammen mit vielen anderen ein wichtiger Zeuge. Soll seine Abschiebung der Auftakt sein zu einer größer angelegten Beseitigung von Zeugen? In jedem Fall soll sich mit seiner Abschiebung eines couragierten Kämpfers für demokratische Rechte und Freiheiten, für internationale Solidarität, für selbstorganisierten, überparteilichen Zusammenschluss von Flüchtlingen und aus Deutschland stammenden Menschen gegen die Rechtsentwicklung der Regierung und der bürgerlichen Parteien entledigt werden.

Der Freundeskreis organisiert dagegen die Solidarität, den Protest und kämpft um seine Rückholung nach Deutschland. Als Auftakt findet dafür heute eine Kundgebung statt, 18.00 Uhr Schlossplatz Stuttgart. Zur zahlreichen Teilnahme wird aufgerufen. Die Presse ist eingeladen. Auch in Albstadt Ebingen wird heute eine Kundgebung um 11 Uhr stattfinden.

Christine Schaaf (in Vertretung für Adelheid Gruber, Sprecherin des Freundeskreises Alassa & Friends, derzeit im Urlaub).

Categories: Tent Action


Mon, 08/05/2019 - 17:29

Deutsch: Flüchtlingsprotest und Solidaritäts-Demonstration in Gotha zusammen mit The VOICE Refugee Forum

Refugee Protest and Solidarity in Gotha together with The VOICE Refugee Forum

Saturday, 10.08.2019 Gotha Train Station

10 am | RBB Solidarity Installation

2 pm | Rally


Refugee Protest in Gotha: There will be Refugee Black Box Installation – Paint it Black! before the Demonstration on Saturday, August 10th, 2019 | 10 am

RBB Performance Gyration | Music and Cultural Programm till the end.


We Nigerians, refugees from Gotha, together with activists from The VOICE Refugee Forum are calling for your solidarity. We live here in the refugee lager in Gotha and are witnessing how our brothers and sisters are being deported at nighttime.

Most of us have a long journey to escape the horror that we have experienced. On our way, we survived the desert and the Mediterranean sea. Some of us survived as well the streets of Italy, where we looked for a small shelter to protect ourselves and children from the rain and cold winds. Now, we do not sleep because every night the police might come and deport us back to Nigeria or any other country. Our lives are dominated by the permanent fear that the German government is putting on us and our children.

This fear has increased since last year we heard that the Nigerian and German governments are talking to deport up to 30.000 Nigerian brothers and sisters from Germany. They are selling and pushing us without asking how and where we would like to live. They ignore our wishes to live a life in peace, security and dignity. We have not fled to here to live in an isolation camp in Thuringia. We want to shape our future and that of our children.

We cannot accept how we are pushed from one to another country and how
our lives are endangered. We cannot accept how unsafe countries and
societies are labeled safe and refugees are sent back there, as it is done for refugees from Afghanistan.

We call for a parade and demonstration with Refugee Black Box Installation and Performance here in Gotha. With our presence we show what the bureaucrats in both, the German and Nigerian, governments are doing: They destroy our lives. Since 2011 both governments have strengthened their cooperation. One of the main areas is migration. On the one side the people are biometrically captured by technology provided by Germany and on the other side Nigerian refugees are deported from Germany. The award for every deported refugee is economical contracts and money that is fed to a corrupt regime.
We call for other refugees to solidarize and build a common struggle against the inhuman attacks on us. The new laws are further cutting the minimum rights we had. We have no other opportunity than to stand up for our dignity and those of our children.

We ask all other refugees to build their own Refugee Black Boxes and installations to show the communities’ networks of solidarity. Let us know how you see the deportations and the isolation that you are forced to live in.

We call on all progressive activists, friends and sympathizers, refugees and non-refugees to join us in launching our campaign against deportation of Nigerians and to protest against the deportations and against isolation of refugees.

Bring your Refugee Black Box!

Send your solidarity message to us. If you are not able to come to make your own Black Box you can send a photo of your Refugee Black Box to the Facebook page of the Refugee Black Box: or check your messenger for

If you cannot come you can give a small or big donation for our fellow sisters and brothers that want to come to Gotha from Erfurt, Jena or elsewhere but cannot afford the ticket due to the limited money they have as refugees. Donations, one Euro or more, can be transferred to the account of THE VOICE Refugee Forum given below.

RBB Press: Refugee Black Box is a political agenda.

Power to the people in the revolutionary form and not just as a slogan. The idea must be extended to all people of the world in a practical way. Slow but powerful and strong.

Solidarity is not only our weapon, but it is our resisted oppressed bodies.
Our presence is our resistance and our resistance is our solidarity.

The Refugee Black Box activists with African Community of Guineans in Jena, The Afghanistan refugee community and MOVE in Erfurt with the Refugee Cafe in Goettingen will be demonstrating with us.


Gotha: Vivian Chikodinaka: Tel. +49 152 16380860, Prince Cassidy Presido: +49 152 14159888

Jena: The VOICE Refugee Forum +49 176-24568988, Oury Diallo: +49 151 54660418


Donations to:

Förderverein The VOICE e.V.
Sparkasse Göttingen
Kontonummer: 127829
BLZ: 260 500 01
IBAN: DE97 2605 0001 0000 1278 29

We are grateful for any donation (tax deductible, donation receipt if wanted)!

Categories: Tent Action

Building Bridges Festival 26. – 28. Juli – Programm

Fri, 07/26/2019 - 21:12
Building Bridges Festival Programm
26.Juli ab 12 Uhr startet das Building Bridges Festival , wir sind
aufgeregt und freuen uns sehr auf euch!
Bis jetzt haben über 150 Frauen und 60 Kinder sich offiziell angemeldet
und wir erwarten noch mehr….

Zur Anreise:
Das Festival findet auf dem “Oranienplatz” 10999 Berlin statt.
Von Berlin Hauptbahnhof nehmt die Sbahn bis Janowitzbrücke , dann in die
Ubahn 8 zu Moritzplatz. Von dort sind es 5 min  zu Fuß (im Anhang auch
ein Stadtplan).
Wenn ihr ankommt, meldet Euch bitte am Info-Point, dort bekommt ihr alle
weiteren Infos zur Anmeldung, zu Essen, Schafplätzen und dem Festival.

Wir suchen noch nach Leuten, die uns bei Farsi Übersetzung helfen
können, wenn du das kannst, sag bitte beim Info-Point Bescheid.
Für alle weiteren Fragen, ist das hier die Nummer von unserem Info
Telephone: 01521 6663446 (auch whatsApp)

Wenn Ihr die Möglichkeit habt, bringt bitte Bettbezüge mit.
Wir freuen uns euch alle zu sehen!
Euer Building Bridges Orga Team
Categories: Tent Action

PM: “Brücken Bauen”-Festival: Ein Protestcamp von geflüchteten Frauen* am Oranienplatz

Thu, 07/25/2019 - 16:28
Wir laden Sie herzlich ein zu unserer Pressekonferenz anlässlich des "Brücken Bauen"-Festivals am 25.07.2019 um 10:30 im Aquarium, Skalitzer Straße 6 10999 Berlin

von Women in Exile & Friends

Nach Schwierigkeiten, eine Genehmigung für unser Protestcamp zu bekommen, das in Form eines Festivals vom 26.-28.07. auf dem Oranienplatz stattfinden wird, haben uns die Kreuzberger Behörden endlich die Erlaubnis erteilt. Es ist bedauernswert, dass wir von einer Kreuzberger Politiker*in der Grünen nicht unterstützt wurden, obwohl die Polizei und schon die Genehmigung für eine Kundgebung erteilt hatte. Dass wir nun die Erlaubnis haben, ist dem Einsatz von Women in Exile and Friends, Gruppen, einzelnen Unterstützer*innen und einigen Nachbar*innen zu verdanken.

Diese Mühen waren keine Überraschung in Anbetracht der neuen Asylgesetze, die kürzlich veranschiedet wurden. Der Oranienplatz ist seit 2012 ein Symbol des Widerstandes, als die Flüchtlingsbewegung durch ganz Deutschland marschierte; wir liefen damals von Potsdam bis zum Oranienplatz mir. Wir liefen zusammen, waren Teil der Demonstrationen, Treffen und Workshops. Zu jener Zeit war die feministische Perspektive nicht sehr präsent, aber jetzt kommen wir zurück, um die Situation von geflüchteten Frauen* und ihren Kämpfen sichtbar zu machen.

Seit 2014, as wir eine achtwüchige Floßtour unter dem Titel “Flüchtlingsfrauen werden laut!”machten, um auf die Lebensbedingungen von geflüchteten Frauen aufmerksam zu machen, die sexuelle Gewalt und Belästigung, die wie in den isolierten Heimen erleben. Seitdem machen wir jährlich gemeinsam mit unseren Netzwerken von Flüchtlingsfrauen in ganz Deutschland eine bundesweite Aktion. Der Floßtour folgten eine Bustour und die “Breaking Borders”-Konferenz 2017, weiter ging es mit einer internationalen Bustour 2018, die mit einem Pressetribunal endete, in dem Seehofers Abschiebepolitik sowie die Ankerzentren verurteilt wurden und bei dem die Verbindung gezogen wurde zwischen Fluchtursachen, Klimawandel und anderen menschengemachten Katastrophen, de vor allem von den “entwickelten” Ländern ausgehen.

Unser Thema für 2019, “Brücken Bauen” ist der Versuch, auf andere feministische Organisationen und die Community zuzugehen. Wir sind uns der Gräben zwischen Illegalisierten, Flüchtlingen, Migrant*innen und deutschen Staatsbürger*innen bewusst. Gräben, die in Diskriminierung, Rassismus, Sexismus, Privilegien und Vorurteilen in der Gesellschaft führen. Unsere Erfahrung hat uns gezeigt, dass es sehr wenig Vertrauen gibt zwischen feministischen Organisationen und geflüchteten Frauen*. Obwohl die meisten unserer Kämpfe verbunden sind, ist es sehr schwer, echte Solidarität zu erleben. Das liegt zum einen am vorgefertigten Konzept über “Flüchtllinge” in der Zivilgesellschaft, das eine vorurteilsbeladene Kategorisierung darstellt. Zum anderen finden es viele geflüchtete Frauen* schwierig, sich an europäische feministische Ideologien zu gewöhnen. Das mag an kulturellen Unterschieden liegen oder daran, dass sie sich in den Konzepten nicht repräsentiert fühlen. Daher werden wir diese Unterschiede in Workshops und kulturellen Performances diskutieren und somit zum Aufbau eines inklusiven und intersektionalen Feminismus beitragen. Da Kinder ein wichtiger Teil unserer Gruppe sind, wird es für sie auch ein abwechslungsreiches Programm geben.

Als Flüchtlingsfrauen sind wir einer doppelten Diskriminierung ausgesetze: Einerseits durch die Asylgesetze, die von schlimm immer schlimmer werden -von der Rückkehr der Residenzpflicht, Gutscheinde usw. Bis zu neuen Massenunterbringungen in den Ankerzentren, Polizeigesetzen und dem “Geordnete-Rückkehr-Gesetz” für schnelle Abschiebungen und Kriminalisierung von Geflüchteten, Unterstützer*innen und der Zivilgesellschaft. Andererseits erfahren wir eine Diskriminierung als Frauen*, die isoliert leben, ohne jede Privatsphäre. Wir sind Opfer ungeklärter Morde, sexueller Gewalt und Belästigung in den Heimen. Der aktuelle Fall unserer Schwester Rita aus Hohenleipisch, die ermordet und dann im Wald in der Nähe der Unterkunft hinterlassen wurde, ist einer der vielen ungeklärten Tode. Zusätzlich zu all dem leben wir mit Traumatisierung und Depression, die nicht nur auf unsere mentale, sondern auch unsere reproduktive Gesundheit Auswirkungen haben.

In Zeiten, in denen die Gesetze für Flüchtlinge immer restriktiver werden und die Repression gegen linke Bewegungen, progressive Gruppen und Personen, die Demonstrationen oder Kundgebungen anmelden, zunimmt, werden wir nicht leise sein!

Wir werden Grenzen durchbrechen und Brücken bauen!!!

Continue reading PM: “Brücken Bauen”-Festival: Ein Protestcamp von geflüchteten Frauen* am Oranienplatz

Categories: Tent Action

Der Kampf von Flüchtlingen braucht Geld!

Die Karawane ist maßgeblich auf Spenden angewiesen. Unsere Organisation besteht überwiegend aus Flüchtlingen, die (wenn überhaupt) nur über sehr geringe finanzielle Mittel verfügen. Aus diesem Grunde haben wir 2008 den „Förderverein Karawane e. V.” gegründet. Unser Verein ist als gemeinnützig anerkannt und kann deswegen auf Wunsch Spendenquittungen ausstellen, so dass sie steuerlich absetzbar sind. Wenn bei der Überweisung die Adresse mit angegeben wird, verschicken wir die Spendenbescheinigung automatisch spätestens am Anfang des Folgejahres.

Kontakt: foerderverein(at)

Unsere Bankverbindung lautet:
Förderverein Karawane e.V.
: 40 30 780 800
GLS Gemeinschaftsbank eG
BLZ: 430 609 67

IBAN: DE28430609674030780800




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